MSDBy Riadh Darrar
Rebuilding the political process in Syria after the fall of the al-Assad regime will be an extremely complex task. This is due to the internal, regional, and international challenges that surround the situation. However, it is not impossible. The process becomes achievable if a realistic and comprehensive roadmap is developed. This roadmap must be based on the principles of justice, representation, and balance. It should also enjoy both national and international support.
During the transitional phase, a diverse transitional government should be formed. This government must include representatives from the political opposition, civil society, and independent figures with proven administrative competence. The entire process should be conducted under the auspices of the United Nations. This would help ensure neutrality and transparency.
At the same time, a comprehensive ceasefire must be declared. It should be monitored by effective international mechanisms. This step is essential to create a safe environment for citizens. It also helps establish the necessary political and security conditions for launching the constitutional process.
A new constitution should be adopted through a constituent assembly or an agreed-upon committee. It must guarantee public freedoms and citizenship rights, ensure the separation of powers, and uphold the rule of law. The constitution should then be submitted to a popular referendum under international supervision to ensure its integrity.
Reforming the security and military institutions is a fundamental condition for the success of any democratic transition. The army must be restructured to become a national, non-sectarian institution, unaffiliated with any party or group, operating professionally and upholding political neutrality. Moderate factions may be integrated into state institutions in a way that reinforces civil peace.
The transitional justice phase cannot be overlooked. It must be based on the principle of accountability without revenge and rely on independent legal mechanisms to hold those responsible for crimes against humanity accountable. This should occur in parallel with reconciliation committees and victim compensation efforts to prevent the recurrence of violations and to promote a culture of tolerance and justice.
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Free and fair elections are one of the essential pillars of any democratic transition. Legislative and presidential elections must be organized under international supervision, based on the new constitution. These elections should ensure freedom of the press and expression and encourage broad political participation from all components of society.
Post-war reconstruction and development also represent a central challenge. Addressing it requires the adoption of a comprehensive international plan funded by donor countries. This plan must be built on a transparent economic vision, free from corruption and favoritism, and should ensure equitable resource distribution and inclusive development.
The political process must be granted clear international guarantees that prevent foreign interference, respect Syria’s sovereignty, and support the country’s new institutions. It is essential to build on UN Security Council Resolution 2254, which—despite the current stalemate—remains the only political framework endorsed by the international community. It is supported by Russia, the United States, the European Union, and several regional powers. The resolution outlines a ceasefire, a transitional government, a new constitution, and elections under UN supervision.
However, serious challenges hinder the implementation of Resolution 2254. Chief among them is the current regime’s pursuit of a sectarian state rooted in a Sunni religious reference, which undermines the principles of pluralism and citizenship. The political opposition also suffers from structural weakness, lacks broad popular legitimacy, and is without effective tools of pressure to advance a comprehensive national agenda. Additionally, international attention to the Syrian issue has declined in favor of other priorities, such as the war in Ukraine and economic competition with China.
Despite these obstacles, Resolution 2254 can be revived if new conditions are met. These conditions include a shift in the balance of power on the ground and the unification of the opposition regarding a clear and serious political vision. Additionally, any reconstruction process must be linked to a tangible progress in the political path. The recent Jeddah conference reaffirmed its commitment to Resolution 2254. However, a new approach is needed—one that can persuade key actors to engage in a practical and achievable political process. This approach must abandon the unilateral paths pursued by the regime, such as the nationally rejected national dialogue initiative and the constitutional declaration that lays the foundation for authoritarian rule with a religious guise.
To steer the political process toward a more inclusive and representative path, it is essential to acknowledge the social and demographic changes that have occurred in recent years. A meaningful political shift requires moving beyond authoritarian legacies. There must be a genuine political openness that includes all components of society in shaping the country’s future. This shift must be driven by a sincere will to develop sustainable democratic solutions.
In this context, there is a pressing need to convene a comprehensive national conference. This conference must bring together all segments of Syrian society—Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, Assyrians, Turkmens, Alawites, Druze, Ismailis, and Christians. It is equally important to ensure the participation of all actors who hold real influence on the ground. The process must firmly reject exclusion. It should also prevent the domination of any single party over the political process. Instead, it should promote inclusive dialogue that reflects the country’s diverse social fabric. A new Syrian vision must be formulated. This vision should be grounded in a social contract that recognizes ethnic, religious, and political pluralism. It must also guarantee equal citizenship and rights for all individuals.
The structure of the new state must also be clearly defined. One of the most important aspects is the relationship between the central government and local authorities. This relationship should be based on a practical balance—strong enough to preserve national unity through centralization, yet flexible enough to allow local governance through decentralization. Such a balance is essential to prevent the return of authoritarian rule. It also helps avoid the risk of national fragmentation.
Newly influential forces must be included in this process. These include the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), local councils, and moderate armed factions. Their inclusion will ensure authentic representation of the country’s diverse political and social landscape.
Civil society, youth, and women must be meaningfully included in the political process. Their participation should reflect the vital roles they played and the sacrifices they made throughout the conflict. An independent body should also be established to preserve the country’s national memory. This institution must work to achieve justice—without falling into the traps of revenge or political score-settling.
For the political process to succeed, it must carefully balance domestic factors and international influences. It should also reject any attempt by a single party to monopolize national decision-making.
Most importantly, the process must guarantee the participation of refugees and displaced Syrians. Their voices should be represented at every stage.
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Regarding the role of the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), it has presented a balanced and progressive vision throughout the years of conflict. It also played a central role in establishing the AANES, which succeeded in protecting northeastern Syria from the devastation of war following the defeat of the Islamic State (ISIS). Since its founding in 2015, the SDC has worked to unify the powers of democratic opposition and participated in various national conferences and alliances. Despite ongoing challenges, it continues to pursue the goal of a democratic national project.
One of the most prominent challenges is the continued Turkish rejection of the SDC. This rejection requires a realistic political approach to address the issue of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). Additionally, there is a need to reactivate Öcalan’s initiative for a transition toward political engagement and the cessation of violence in Turkey.
Moreover, it is crucial to foster communication with Arab countries. This will help support the political process, empower national components, and build relationships with all sectors of the Syrian political opposition.
The SDC is working to expand its role in political solution paths. It seeks to engage in intra-Syrian dialogue and strengthen ties with local councils and moderate factions. It also aims to increase Arab participation in the institutions of the AANES, especially in Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa. Furthermore, the SDC is focusing on establishing a presence in international forums. It uses representative platforms such as “Tamasok” and “Al-Masar” to consistently emphasize that decentralization does not mean secession. Instead, decentralization represents a model of local governance that aligns with democratic aspirations and fosters development and self-administration.
Following the agreement reached between SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi and President Ahmed Al-Sharaa on March 10, it is essential to end the policy of exclusion against the SDC and the components of northeastern Syria. A genuine internal dialogue must be initiated with other national powers. This will help build flexible internal alliances and contribute positively to the foundation of a unified, democratic Syria capable of renewal.
